宗教改革的地理分佈TheGeography of the Reformation
作者: Ryan Reeves 譯者: Maria Marta
宗教改革作為一場神學、聖經戰爭而被紀念。唯獨信心與唯獨恩典的教義是改教家的信息核心。 但我們也記念新教歷史的偉大人物，如馬丁路德、約翰加爾文、托馬斯克蘭默（Thomas Cranmer）等等。
可是我們常常未注意到宗教改革故事裡的一個特徵------土地。 事實上，最好不要抽像想像宗教改革，而是從歷史的塵土中領悟。要明白宗教改革的出現，就要了解當天的地域情況，和各個國家或城市是如何接受或拒絕宗教改革的。
宗教改革地理分佈的第一站是位於德國地區的著名的神聖羅馬帝國。 現今我們所知道的德國政治國家當時並不存在，直到十九世紀它才出現。 1500年，此地區是各諸侯國的拼湊集合，就其日爾曼根源而言，各諸侯國全都是激进的民族主義者，然而卻要在聖羅馬皇帝的統治下服務。盡管如此，帝國和地方統治者處於緊張的關係之中，最終緊張的關係導致地方當局抵制帝國對路德的判決。
學生們所記得的神聖羅馬帝國，既非羅馬，亦非特別聖潔。 但這名字可追溯到中世紀公元800年前後查理大帝（Charlemagne）統治下形成的帝國，當時他被視為古羅馬及其皇帝的繼承人。 在1500年之前，神聖羅馬皇帝已經是一個選舉產生的官員，由分散在德國的七名選侯選舉出來。 假如選侯認真發揮他們的職責，他們似乎也不過是越來越被迫依從一個家族的要求：哈布斯堡王朝（Habsburg）。在路德當天，這個王朝已經影響或持有帝皇稱號數個世紀了-------他們將繼續持有此稱號，直到拿破崙時代。
我們可以將重點集中在查理五世（
Charles V）王朝，查爾斯五世是坐在沃木斯議會上聽取對路德的審判的帝皇。 而事實上，神羅馬帝國往往更多地受到地方和區域當局的驅使。 例如，在薩克森州（Saxony），有一個叫腓特烈（Frederick）的選侯，他一想到膝蓋於帝國的旨意就面色蒼白。故此，腓特烈終日在擴展自己的勢力。 他甚至邁出獨特的一步，在維滕貝格（Wittenberg）建立一所新大學，並為德國教授包括路德轉來教學支付費用。腓特烈也許是帝國的一員，但他不認為自己是一個拍馬屁的人。
這種緊張的局勢有助於解釋路德得以順利開始宗教改革的獨特和政治方式。路德在沃木斯帝國議會(Imperial Diet)（巡回理事會）期間被判決。 但最後，腓特烈和其他德國親王認為對路德的判決不公正 -------要麼出於他們自己的新教信仰轉變，要麼出於對帝國強硬手段的抵制。 在任何一種情況下，路德都受到保護，被容許作路德宗教會的領袖，再活二十五年，而不是要面對處決。
位於帝國領域最南端的，是縱橫交錯排列的城市和州，我們今天稱之為瑞士。 像德國一樣，現在的瑞士當時還不是一個國家。儘管一些地區如日內瓦般臣服於其他統治者，但瑞士的城市或地區在許多情況下都臣服於帝國。 最後，瑞士地區由諸如伯恩（Bern）和蘇黎世（Zürich）等城市掌控。 這種政治分隔是明白為何像加爾文這樣的改教家與一個城市如日內瓦，而非整個國家聯繫在一起的關鍵。
宗教改革在荷蘭得到最異乎尋常的認可接授。
十六世紀的荷蘭並不是我們現在所知道的國家，而是與現在低地國相對應的十七個省份的單一實體。在宗教改革時期，這片土地像瑞士各州那樣，受查爾斯五世統治。
荷蘭各省實質上是帝國的附庸國。 也像瑞士同行一樣，荷蘭各省忠於自己的民族身份，強烈抵制外國統治者的權勢。
宗教改革在荷蘭迅速展開幾乎完全歸因於該地區的政治結構。沒有國王或國會可以單方面支持或鎮壓新教。 因此，在宗教改革時期，幾乎在開始瞬間，荷蘭便好像是每一場神學運動的棱鏡。
然而，这种時局面并不是宗教自由的堡壘，反而是宗教改革早期混亂的混杂聲音。荷蘭革命期间（1568-1648）时机成熟了，北方各省在加爾文主義旗幟下統一起來，而南部地區大部分还属于羅馬天主教会，後來形成比利時和盧森堡的國家。
法國在宗教改革期間最強勁的對手也許就是德國。這時期法國的國王是法蘭西斯一世( Francis I )，一個極具聰明才智的人，儘管他在反帝運動中過於激進。 在宗教方面，法蘭西斯認為自己是一個人文主義者，贊成一般的改革，但不是宗教改革本身。 這個人文主義者早年曾培育過加爾文，但時間不長。 在1534年，一群具有改革思想的人將標語牌安放在巴黎的大街小巷-------甚至在國王床邊的門上------嘲笑彌撒和崇拜瑪利亞。法蘭西斯對此大發雷霆，發起一場反對改革運動，把加爾文和其他人掃出法國，趕入瑞士地區。
英格蘭在宗教改革時期是世襲君主制的國家，被一個由篡奪王位建起來的都鐸家族統治。盡管歷史偏愛都鐸王朝------因為围绕他們发生的事件不亞於莎士比亞笔下的世界-------博斯沃思原野戰役（Battle of Bosworth Field）之後，都鐸家族不能從理查德三世（Richard
III）屍體手中合法地接過王位。 因此他們指望教皇保障其政權的權威。 他們還與教會主要的英國領袖結盟，最終使英格蘭成為新教的旱田。 事實上，如果我們選擇一個最不可能擁抱宗教改革的國家，那就是英國。要不是亨利八世（Henry VIII）需要一個繼承人，快活的老英格蘭也許永遠不會成為一個新教國家。
亨利八世（Henry VIII）是早期英國宗教改革的轉折點。他曾批準在諸如劍橋（Cambridge）這樣（插在別國領域中）的小領土上，清除新教徒，他甚至在1521年寫過一篇反對路德的文章（舉行沃木斯議會的同一年）。不過，都鐸王朝需要繼承人，考慮到他們王朝自身的薄弱，男性繼承人是保護後代的理想選擇。此刻，在凱瑟琳（Catherine of Aragon）多次流產之後，亨利確信自己從不應該和他哥哥的妻子結婚。 他試圖離婚，但受到羅馬天主教會的阻止。因此，他促使英國投入宗教改革，為克蘭默（Thomas Cranmer）和其他人領導宗教改革打開了大門。然而，鑑於英格蘭原先對羅馬天主教的熱誠，若不是兩代人的堅持，新教信仰的果子是不會從英國教會長出來的。
英格蘭的長期北方對手是蘇格蘭。宗教改革開始時，蘇格蘭最親密的盟友是法國。就教會生命力和國王支持這兩方面而言，蘇格蘭人是熱誠的羅馬天主教教徒。 事實上，約翰·諾克斯（John Knox），後來蘇格蘭宗教改革的先鋒，早期的大部分事奉生涯都是在流亡英國北部中度過。
一代以後，蘇格蘭開始感受到宗教改革在其土地上的影響。諾克斯被遠遠逐出瑪麗都鐸（Mary Tudor）所統治的英國，他體驗了大歐洲的改革信仰。日內瓦作為敬虔改革的典範在他心中特別突出。 蘇格蘭本身飽受「是否擁抱新教」造成的動亂之苦，蘇格蘭人需要忠心牧師的幫助。 在十五世紀六十年代，諾克斯決心重返故國蘇格蘭，宣揚支持新教。
像宗教改革的許多故事一樣，政治統治者在蘇格蘭掌握一切權力。 諾克斯的路障是蘇格蘭女王瑪麗一世（Mary Stuart）。 諾克斯和其他人一起反對她的羅馬天主教信仰，並宣傳反對這種信仰，改教家們呼籲改革，而瑪麗抵制他們的努力，雙方之間出現僵持不下的局面。
最後，由於一系列個人和政治上的失誤，瑪麗催毀了自己的政權。 由於尚不完全清楚的原因，她同意謀殺她的丈夫達納利之王（Lord Darnley）。她允許陰謀者炸毀城堡，並聲稱達恩利被勒死，然後自己逃跑，並嫁給涉嫌謀殺犯。瑪麗企圖叛國，逃往英國，伊麗莎白一世在英國將她被捕，後來判處她死刑。
蘇格蘭改革的道路被鋪平了。 瑪麗的兒子隨後成為英格蘭詹姆士一世、蘇格蘭詹姆士六世，他以他的名義支持英文聖經翻譯的偉大工作。 然而，在他父親去世的時候，他只是一個孩子。 因此，諾克斯和其他改教家著手以新教信仰來撫養這孩子，蘇格蘭國會也開始立法，擁抱宗教改革。諾克斯在1572年去世時，蘇格蘭已建立起長老制的框架。
宗教改革的地理分佈狀況體現了早期新教故事的神韻。其中的國王、市議會，和其他政治方面的故事非但沒有遮敝宗教改革的图畫，反而顯示出宗教改革的實際空間。每一個這些背景都以它們自己的方式塑造將會在這些土地上生活的新教教會的故事。
Dr.
Ryan Reeves is assistant professor of historical theology and assistant dean of
Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary in Jacksonville, Fla.
本文原刊於Tabletalk雜誌2017年十月號 。
The Geography of the
Reformation
By Ryan Reeves
The
Reformation is remembered as a struggle over theology and the Bible. The
doctrines of sola fide and sola gratia form the core of the message of the
Reformers. We also remember the great figures of Protestant history,
individuals such as Martin Luther, John Calvin, and Thomas Cranmer.
A
feature often missing in the story, however, is the land. The Reformation, in
fact, can best be conceived not in abstraction, but down in the dust of
history. To understand the land is to understand the emergence of Protestantism
and how individual nations or cities embraced or rejected the Reformation.
The
first stop in a survey of Reformation geography is in the regions of Germany,
known then as the Holy Roman Empire. The German political nation as we know it
today did not exist, and it would not exist until the nineteenth century. In
1500, it was a patchwork of various principalities and regions, all fiercely
nationalistic to their German roots, yet also serving under the rule of the
Holy Roman emperor. Still, there were tensions in the relationship between
imperial and local rulers—tensions that would eventually create resistance to
the condemnation of Luther.
The
Holy Roman Empire is remembered by students as neither Roman nor as
particularly holy. The name, however, stretches back to the formation of the
empire in the 800s under Charlemagne, who was seen then as heir to ancient Rome
and its emperors. By 1500, the Holy Roman emperor had become an elected office,
chosen by seven electors scattered throughout Germany. If the electors took their role seriously, they nevertheless seemed to
be increasingly forced to submit to the claim of one family: the Habsburg
dynasty. This dynasty had influenced or held the imperial title for centuries
by Luther’s day—and they would continue to hold it until the time of Napoleon.
We
could focus a lot of attention on the imperial court of Charles V, the man who
would sit at the Diet of Worms to hear Luther’s trial. But the reality is that
the Holy Roman Empire was often driven more by local or regional authorities.
In Saxony, for example, there was Frederick—an elector who nevertheless
blanched at the thought of bending the knee to imperial will. Frederick instead
spent his days expanding his own influence. He even took a unique step to found
a new university in Wittenberg and to pay for the transfer of German professors
such as Luther to come there and teach. Frederick may have been part of the
empire, but he viewed himself as no man’s toady.
These
tensions help explain the unique and political way Luther’s reformation got off
the ground. Luther was condemned at Worms during the imperial diet (a roving
council). However, Frederick and, eventually, other German princes believed
that the condemnation of Luther was unjust—either due to their own Protestant
conversion or due to resistance to imperial heavy-handedness. In either case,
Luther was protected, allowed to live another twenty-five years as leader of
the Lutheran church rather than facing execution.
To
the far south of the empire’s domain lay a checkerboard of cities and cantons
we today know as Switzerland. Like Germany, the modern nation of Switzerland
was not yet a reality in those days. The Swiss cities or regions were in many
cases subject to the empire, though some, such as Geneva, were subject to other
rulers. Ultimately, the Swiss regions were dominated by cities such as Bern and
Zürich. This political separation is the key to understanding why a Reformer
such as John Calvin came to be associated with one city, Geneva, rather than an
entire nation.
The
quirkiest adoption of the Reformation was in the Netherlands. The Netherlands
during the sixteenth century were not the nation that we know today but rather
were a group of seventeen provinces that correspond to the modern-day Low
Countries. These lands had by the time of the Reformation come under the rule
of Charles V. Like the Swiss cantons, this made the Netherlands essentially
vassals to the empire. Also like their Swiss counterparts, the provinces of the
Netherlands were loyal to their own national identity and strongly resisted the
influence of foreign rulers.
The
reason the Reformation in the Netherlands was quirky is due almost entirely to
the political makeup of the region. There was no king or national assembly that
could unilaterally support or suppress Protestantism. Almost immediately,
therefore, the Netherlands began to look like a prism of every theological
movement during the Reformation period.
This
was not a bastion for religious freedom, however, but rather a chaotic jumble
of voices in the early Reformation. Things came to a head in the Dutch Revolt
(1568–1648), in which the northern provinces became unified under the banner of
Calvinism, while the southern regions would remain largely Roman Catholic and
would later form the nations of Belgium and Luxembourg.
Perhaps
Germany’s greatest rival during the Reformation was France. The king of France
during this time was Francis I, a man of intellectual talent, though he was far
too aggressive in his campaigns against the empire. In terms of religion,
Francis considered himself a humanist and in favor of general reform, though
not of the Reformation itself. This humanist world nurtured Calvin in his early
years, though it did not last long. In 1534, a band of reform-minded men placed
placards throughout Paris—one even on the king’s bedchamber door—mocking the
Mass and the veneration of Mary. Francis was livid, and he launched a campaign
against reform, sweeping Calvin and others out of France and down into the
Swiss regions.
England
during the Reformation was a hereditary monarchy ruled by a usurping family,
the Tudors. Much as history has loved the Tudors—for their style no less than
the world that gave us Shakespeare—the Tudors had little legal claim to the
throne when Henry VII took the crown from the corpse of Richard III after the
Battle of Bosworth Field. As such, they looked to the pope to secure the
authority of the regime. They also allied themselves with leading English
leaders in the church, ultimately making England dry soil for Protestantism. Indeed, if we were to select one
kingdom as the least likely to embrace the Reformation, it would be England.
Were it not for Henry VIII’s need for an heir, jolly old England might never
have become a Protestant nation.
Henry
VIII is the hinge on which the early English Reformation turned. He sanctioned
moves to root out Protestants in small enclaves such as Cambridge, and he even
wrote a tract against Luther in 1521 (the same year as the Diet of Worms).
Still, the Tudors needed heirs, and given the weakness of their dynasty, male heirs
were ideal to secure later generations. In time, after numerous miscarriages
with Catherine of Aragon, Henry convinced himself he never should have married
his brother’s wife. He sought to divorce her, but the Roman Catholic Church
blocked him. So, he plunged England into the Reformation, opening the door for
Thomas Cranmer and others to provide leadership. Still, given England’s
original Roman Catholic fervor, it was not for two generations that lasting
Protestant fruit would grow from the Church of England.
England’s
longtime rival to the north was Scotland. At the start of the Reformation,
Scotland’s closest ally was France. Scotland was also fiercely Roman Catholic,
both in terms of church vitality and support from the crown. Indeed, John Knox,
the man who would later spearhead the Scottish Reformation, spent most of his
early ministry in exile in northern England.
A
generation later, Scotland began to feel the effects of the Reformation in its
lands. Knox had been further exiled from England under Mary Tudor, and he had
experienced the Reformed faith of greater Europe. Geneva especially stood out
in his mind as a model for godly reform. Scotland herself was wracked by
turmoil over whether to embrace Protestantism, and the Scots needed loyal pastors
to aid them. By some point in the 1560s, Knox had resolved to return to his
native Scotland to preach in favor of Protestantism.
Like
so many stories in the Reformation, the political rulers held all the power in
Scotland. The roadblock in Knox’s way was Mary, Queen of Scots. Knox and others
opposed her Roman Catholic faith and preached against it, leading to a
stalemate, with Knox and others calling for reform as Mary resisted their
efforts.
In
the end, Mary sabotaged her own regime through a series of personal and
political blunders. For reasons not entirely clear, she complied in the murder
of her husband, Lord Darnley. She then allowed the conspirators to blow up the
castle and claim Darnley had been strangled, before running off herself and
marrying the man suspected of murder. Now sought for treason, Mary fled to
England, where Elizabeth I had her arrested and later sentenced to death.
The
path was now paved for reform in Scotland. Mary’s son would later become King
James VI and I, ruler of Scotland and England, who supported the great English
Bible translation that bears his name. At the time of his father’s death,
however, he was only a child. Knox and other Reformers therefore set about to
raise the child in the Protestant faith, and Scotland’s parliament began to
pass legislation that embraced the Reformation. By Knox’s death in 1572, the
framework of Presbyterianism had been established in Scotland.
The
geography of the Reformation reveals the verve of the story of early
Protestantism. Far from clouding the picture with stories of kings, city
councils, and other political side stories, the geography reveals the physical
space of the Reformation. Each of these contexts in their own way shaped the
story of the Protestant churches that would come to live in these lands.
Dr.
Ryan Reeves is assistant professor of historical theology and assistant dean of
Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary in Jacksonville, Fla.